Tag Archive for: Gallipoli

Twelve days at Anzac: the evacuation

A game of cricket was played on Shell Green in an attempt to distract the Turks from the imminent departure of allied troops.

Exactly one hundred years ago, one of the most remarkable operations in military history occurred at the Dardanelles with the evacuation in December 1915 of 83,000 Australian, New Zealand, British and Indian troops from the Gallipoli Peninsula without a single loss of life. It will, as, one contemporary German correspondent reporting from the Turkish lines exclaimed, ‘stand before the eyes of all strategists as a hitherto unattained masterpiece’.

For several months British policy towards the battle of the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force in the harsh ranges and gullies of the Turkish peninsula had vacillated in London. By October 1915, stalemate on the ground with evidence that the Turks were strengthening their resources of armaments and manpower, coupled with the prospect of a predicted icy winter on the Peninsula, contributed to an atmosphere of division and uncertainly in the Cabinet and the War Committees. The principal architect of the Gallipoli campaign, Winston Churchill, had been reluctantly forced out as First Lord of the Admiralty in May, but, resigning from the Cabinet in mid-November, he was still urging the government to carry on the battle to take Constantinople with reinforcements ‘by land or by sea’ while ‘time remains’. The idea, however, of a withdrawal from the Dardanelles in favour of total strategic commitment to the Western Front was gaining force.

Presented with the concept, General Sir Ian Hamilton declared it ‘unthinkable’, a course threatening massive and tragic loss of life. But on 16 October, Hamilton himself was recalled from his post as Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force and replaced by General Sir Charles Monro, who had commanded the British Third Army in France. Monro, committed to full support for the Western Front, swiftly supported evacuation and, with the arrival of the Secretary of State for War, Lord Kitchener, at Anzac on 13 November, the die was cast. A former strong advocate for continued military resistance at the Dardanelles, Kitchener, observing the urgent need for reinforcements on the Peninsula, recommended evacuation—a decision accepted by the Asquith Government on 23 November and conveyed to the involved Dominion governments on 7 December.

The problem faced was one of immense complexity. In addition to the 83,000 men at Anzac Cove and Suvla Bay, there were some 5,000 animals, 2,000 vehicles, nearly 200 guns and vast quantities of stores to be evacuated. The casualty estimates ran as high as 40,000 men. The initial decision made by Headquarter Staff on the island of Mudros that the withdrawal be made in three broad stages became the basis of the detailed planning developed by Australian Brigadier-General Brudenell White, chief of staff to General William Birdwood, the commander of the Australian and New Zealand troops at Anzac. Two points were at once pivotal to White: that the evacuation from the Suvla-Anzac bridgehead be simultaneous and that it be conducted at night, and further that a strategy of quiet, but seeming action, be maintained across the days from 8-20 December in order to convince the Turks that nothing unusual was happening. ‘It is upon the existence of perfectly normal conditions’, White insisted, ‘that I rely for success’.

To achieve this, the innovative leader designed a series of feints and stratagems that transformed life on the Peninsula into a charade of brilliant deception. The guns were an essential key. Ordered to cease firing soon after dark each night, they accustomed the enemy to silence. White called it the ‘Silence Ruse’; to the fighting men it became the ‘Silent Stunt;’ their compliant secrecy was vital. In addition, thousands of extra fires were lit each morning while columns of men and animals were marched about to add to the appearance of the troops preparing to go to winter quarters. While the Turks were free to observe men disembarking daily from barges, and donkeys hauling supplies, they remained unaware that the same players were performing those tasks each morning. Meanwhile, tunnellers were busy placing tons of high explosives under the Turkish trenches and tunnel lines.

The closeness of the enemy to the Anzac trenches was a singular hazard. At times no more than a few yards separated their positions. At Anzac Cove in particular, as Charles Bean noted in his diary, should the Turks realise that withdrawal was in progress, ‘they had only to thrust forward 300 yards from their central positions to fire down on the troops embarking below’. In daylight hours, however, Allied aircraft surveyed the coast to drive back any German aircraft on reconnaissance.

Through it all, Brudenell White was the tenacious mastermind of the evacuation preparations. In his official history Bean extolled this meticulous officer’s calm demeanour ‘explaining whatever was not understood, unruffled, courteous, quiet in voice, showing always an inexhaustible patience.’ From early December, the withdrawal was a mere trickle, at first the sick and wounded and the prisoners of war, followed by a sequenced flow of men coming down from the higher trenches. The paths from the trenches to the sea were marked by lines of flour and sugar to guide the withdrawing troops. To ensure silence, the men’s boots were wrapped in old sacking while layers of blankets were laid on the piers to mute the sound of movement. A scheme of self-firing rifles was devised. Each evening barges and small transports crept in to Anzac Cove and Suvla Bay, vanishing with their loads before daylight.

By 18 December the Anzac garrison had been reduced from 41,000 to just over 20,000 troops and most of their equipment had been taken off the beaches. The last 20,000 were to be evacuated in the final withdrawal staged on the nights of 18-19 and 19-20 December. Would the weather hold? The question was of overriding importance. Miraculously the days stayed calm and clear. Early on 20 December the remaining 1,500 men, the so-called ‘die-hards’ carefully selected for this most consequential role,  fired their rifles for the last time and at 3am came down in small groups to the waiting boats. The last to leave lit the fuses that would detonate the hidden mines underneath the old front lines and set fire to the huge dumps of abandoned stores on the shore. At 4am, with two last stragglers rounded up, Anzac was deserted, ‘the Ruse’ complete. 16 hours later, a violent storm with torrential rain poured down blew and washed away the piers.

Significantly for the men on the Peninsula, especially those who remained from the April landing, the news that Gallipoli was to be evacuated, conveyed to them officially on 12 December, left them ‘stupefied’. While adjusting to their rigorous orders, their regret ran high. Many went to erect new crosses and tidy the rough cemeteries of their fallen mates. As one reflected, ‘We have a lot of fellows sleeping in those valleys, and we should never have been told to leave them.’ Yet Brigadier-General, John Monash, on the scene with his 4th Brigade at Anzac, pronounced the evacuation ‘a wonderful piece of organization’ due ‘to splendid preparation on the part of the leaders, and splendid and intelligent obedience on the part of the men.’ The master planner, Brudenell White, himself concluded, ‘No body of men could have done more or done it better.’

Yet perhaps that close and prescient observer, Charles Bean, might be allowed to have the last word. Writing in his diary on 20 December after the last Anzacs had left the beach he reflected: ‘well, it’s an extraordinary end to a fine history. The Turks at last have got it—the place they never could take—by our quietly leaving it in the night. And, in the end perhaps, the greatest success we have achieved there is quietly giving it to them without their knowing it’.

Beyond the dawn landing: the 11th Battalion at Gallipoli

GALLIPOLI, 1915. OBSERVING IN THE TRENCHES.

For generations the Australian public has associated Gallipoli with a beach and a dawn landing. In recent years, books, documentaries and television series have repeated a story that leap-frogs over the campaign’s stereotypical events and images: the Landing, the 24 May armistice, Lone Pine, the Nek and the evacuation.

Few of those who fought in the campaign landed before dawn on 25 April 1915; those that did so didn’t take Lone Pine nor charge the Nek. Men’s experiences varied greatly. The main dictator of a man’s fate, apart from luck, was his unit.

The 11th Battalion, Australian Imperial Force, was raised in Western Australia but included many men from the United Kingdom, Victoria and elsewhere. As part of the Third Brigade, they were one of four covering force battalions who fought their way ashore before dawn on 25 April. Only 350 out of a thousand initially answered their names when they re-assembled several days later.

Soon after, the battalion was called upon to make what would become known as the ‘first raid’ by the AIF: volunteers were asked to assault the well-defended promontory of Gabe Tepe. Having survived one pre-dawn landing in darkness, the men were asked to repeat the performance in daylight. Captain Ray Leane, who was to command the raid, asked for volunteers:

The men…knew exactly [what they] would have to face…[They] were…keen as mustard, the pick of Australia’s manhood, men who did not understand the word failure.

Leane gave the command for volunteers to take two paces forward: ‘Every man present immediately stepped forward. I felt a proud man indeed to have command of such men’.

It proved impossible to get off the beach, and the survivors were forced to extract themselves while under heavy enemy fire.

In the pre-dawn darkness of 19 May, the men standing-to in the firing line glimpsed movement—Turks appeared to be crawling through the scrub in front. The out­posts came in and word passed quietly from mouth to mouth, ‘as though we were afraid to speak … “Jacko” was on the move’. Firing erupted ‘the length and breadth of Anzac’, as 30–40,000 Turks hurled themselves at the invaders’ lines. The attack failed, and a few days later members of the 11th Battalion emerged warily from their trenches to bury the dead and fraternise with their enemy, in the now famous ‘armistice’.

Another unpleasant episode followed. The spur before their lines, Silt Spur, was to be captured by tunnelling, and each night an 11th Battalion covering party was to lie out on the bald spur to protect the tunnellers. The covering party were helplessly exposed to enemy bullets from nearby trenches; and bombs and attacks by Turkish patrols.

Then, on 28 June, the battalion was ordered to participate in a feint to assist the British at Cape Helles. In a remarkable demonstration of courage and discipline, the men lay out for hours in broad daylight, helplessly exposed to enemy shrapnel and bullets. It’s barely conceivable that any survived; 21 didn’t, and 42 were wounded.

In July, Turks were discovered digging-in on a ridge occupied by the 12th Battalion. They had to be evicted. Once again, the job was given to the 11th Battalion.

This would be more than a blind charge. Four tunnels were driven towards the Turkish position and four mines set to blow out the garrison. At 10pm on 31 July, four parties of 50 men waited in their jumping off positions in the darkness of Tasmania Post. Many suffered from dysentery and other complaints, but summoned their strength and resolve for the charge.

Two showers of earth and sparks erupted with a roar into the night. The other two mines remained silent. The Turks opened a heavy fire on the area, their fire building rapidly in intensity. Should Leane, who had been given command of this assault also, wait for the final explosions, or descend on the Turks before they recovered? He gave the order to charge. Without hesitation the Western Australians ‘scrambled from the trenches and flung themselves into the darkness’.

One mine exploded as they charged, its debris falling about them. Then followed a brutal night of fighting in a dark and smoke, dust and body-filled trench. In some places the Turks fought to the death, in others, they withdrew to counter-attack behind showers of bombs. At dawn the exhausted 11th Battalion survivors still held position, but with the light came the enemy barrage. A few days later the Turks counter-attacked, annihilated sections of the garrison and occupied a portion of the position. Once again the 11th Battalion charged. The fighting was so brutal that Lieutenant E.W. Morris, who had arrived on the peninsula only two days previously, wrote two accounts of it in his diary—one for his family, should he be killed and the diary sent to them, the other hidden.

The assault and capture of the position had cost 36 killed and 73 wounded. The fighting in August claimed the lives of 55 and left about 100 wounded.

The 11th Battalion had fought six actions in about 100 days of war—surely an unrivalled record for the ANZAC forces at the time. But the campaign still had many months to run. By the end, very few men who had been at the Landing were still with the battalion and had not been away sick or wounded. The battalion had received roughly a thousand reinforcements since arriving in Egypt.

Soon after the campaign, the existing veteran battalions were split in half to create two nuclei of experienced men from which to build new battalions. Men who had lived, survived and fought together, faced separation from each other and the battalion. On 29 February 1916, the 3rd Brigade battalions were paraded. ‘Goodbyes were said out there in the desert, the while many a strong man’s eyes grew moist’. The final order was bellowed across the parade ground, and the halves of the old battalion separated. ‘And then with the cheers and good wishes of all who remained’, the nucleus of the new battalion, the 51st, marched out. The Gallipoli Campaign was over, many of the originals gone. The veterans would soon prove to be the backbone that weathered the worst the Germans could throw at them. One night in France in 1916, the troops somehow worked out that the 51st and 11th Battalions were billeted near each other. Their commanders seemed not to begrudge the somewhat ragged route march the following day.

ASPI suggests

President Barack Obama and President Benigno S. Aquino III inspect the honor guard during an arrival ceremony at the Malacañang Palace in Manila, Philippines, April 28, 2014. (Official White House Photo by Chuck Kennedy)

Last week, President Obama wrapped up a much anticipated tour of Asia which covered Japan, South Korea, Malaysia and Philippines. The tour was largely seen as an attempt to reassure friends and allies of the US rebalance. In the Philippines, President Obama and Philippines’ President Aquino announced the signing of an Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), the most significant part of which opens the door for rotations of US Marines on Filipino soil (full text of President Obama’s remarks at a joint press conference here). For some historical context on US–Philippines ties and a run-down of how the EDCA augments previous agreements, I recommend Armando J. Heredia’s article in USNI News.

Meanwhile, CSIS Jakarta’s Rizal Sukma wonders whether the EDCA will sideline ASEAN’s normative order. In his view, ‘[t]he challenge for ASEAN…is how to ensure that the realist order will not become a dominant feature of regional politics.’ Read more