Tag Archive for: Future Submarine Project

Australia needs to consider the nuclear option for its new submarines

Australia needs to seriously consider moving to a nuclear-powered submarine force because, in the rapidly changing circumstances of the region, it is the best solution to meet the Royal Australian Navy’s demanding strategic and operational requirements. The very long timescales and extraordinarily high and escalating cost of the Attack-class submarine program make this imperative.

The program, with a current price tag of more than $50 billion, won’t produce a single operational submarine until 2036, by which time the threat or the technology may have changed dramatically. The program is still planning to use superseded technology and will leave a significant capability gap. So, is it worth it? Or is there a better, faster, more cost-effective way of getting a similar or superior capability?

A number of arguments have been offered against Australia’s ‘going nuclear’, but they really aren’t the showstoppers they’re often claimed to be.

A fresh approach at both the political and military levels could determine whether attitudes are shifting and new partnerships are possible, especially with the advent of smaller nuclear reactors.

Public support for such a force can be gained if the requirements and benefits are discussed honestly and openly, with total costs and safety issues explained. This will require bipartisan political support.

Australia should consider switching to an existing SSN like the Suffren class made by France’s Naval Group. The Suffrens are the nuclear-powered cousin to the conventionally powered Attack class that the company is building for Australia. They could more readily satisfy the RAN’s needs through a similar or even a shorter procurement process.

An early discussion would be with Naval Group, as shifting to a nuclear strategy would mean significantly modifying the program to build the Attack class.  France is understood to have  already offered the Suffren to the RAN.  Discussions with the US and UK navies would also be advisable, covering nuclear safety, support, training, technology transfer and the like.

The requirement for 12 Attack-class submarines to replace the six Collins-class vessels is based on a need to be able to unilaterally deter and defend against surface or subsurface attacks on the Australian homeland and the Australian Defence Force. The submarines will carry out intelligence-gathering, surveillance, targeting and reconnaissance operations, possibly many thousands of kilometres away from home, in seas that are becoming more challenging and potentially more hostile.

In wartime or periods of tension, the submarines would also be expected to provide area defence and sea denial, with long covert submerged operations, alone or with allies. That could involve interdicting anti-submarine and anti-surface ships, which will require the latest in command, control, communications, sensor and weapon technology.

Even without long transits to the South China Sea, simply providing a continuous presence in the key sea lines of communication and choke points to the north of Australia, requires a substantial submarine force. That’s why the fleet is set to double in size.

Australia’s submarines will be unable to meet the nation’s strategic and tactical requirements for some time, especially in the early years of a transition from the Collins class. This is because of a combination of factors, including the slow rate of construction of new subs, the requirement to substantially increase the number of submariners and train them on new systems, and the need for maintenance, defect rectification, leave and shore time.

Despite the increased numbers, as currently specified the new submarines will still be diesel-powered and fitted with lead–acid batteries. They will not be equipped with air-independent propulsion and will be slow during transit. At best, only half of an 80-day operation will be spent in the designated area of operations. The vessels’ regular need to surface, or ‘snort’, to charge their batteries will also offer unwelcome opportunities for an adversary to locate them.

The decision to work with the French solely on a new diesel–electric, rather than nuclear, design is the main factor that will limit the submarines’ effectiveness. It is also behind the program’s enormous cost, risk and timeframe.

A nuclear power plant provides a submarine with a virtually unlimited supply of electricity, high maximum and sustained submerged transit speeds, an almost endless capability to loiter at low speed, and the ability to escape, evade and move to the area of operations expeditiously, far from base, without any need to surface. These are enormous performance improvements over conventionally powered submarines, especially those that, like the Attack class, aren’t designed to use air-independent propulsion or lithium- or zinc-based batteries.

The complicating factors of a move to nuclear submarines would centre on the political aspects of using nuclear power and the substantial costs involved in providing the personnel, training and support infrastructure required to meet modern nuclear safety standards. Each submarine would also cost more than a conventional equivalent. Given that the current program already looks unlikely to provide any new or enhanced submarine capability until the 2040s, a decision to switch to a partial or full SSN fleet might not entail much, if any, further delay.

There’s already a requirement for an interim capability that includes up to six life-extended Collins boats. A further six ‘son of Collins’ vessels will almost certainly be needed to maintain continuity of operations and provide enough fully trained submariners to be able to crew any future SSNs.

Australia’s lack of a nuclear power industry shouldn’t prevent a move to nuclear-powered submarines, but programs would need to be introduced now, including new physics and technical courses in Defence and in civil educational institutions.

Finding, training and retaining personnel is the potential Achilles heel and requires extensive modelling and a major recruitment drive. This has proved extremely challenging for the Royal Navy, especially in the areas of nuclear watch-keepers and junior executive and engineering branch officers.

The recruitment work already in place provides a good basis for finding submarine crew. More complex and time-consuming would be training enough experienced, qualified nuclear engineers and executive branch officers, and maintaining a critical mass. Initially, Australia would need to use other nations’ facilities for much of this training.

The transition won’t be simple, as some personnel would be trained on current and new conventional submarines, while others would need lengthy nuclear training to prepare for the first SSN. In parallel will come the requirement to recruit, train and certify civilian nuclear engineering, support and scientific personnel to work in naval bases and headquarters.

A major construction program would be required to provide facilities to berth, maintain and repair 10 to 12 SSNs. This would include dry docks and nuclear-certified cranes. There could also be a requirement to refuel. While much of the cost of developing an SSN capability falls in the infrastructure area, the regulations and requirements are well documented and the civil engineering is straightforward. It would provide significant employment opportunities.

Should nuclear-powered submarines be part of Australia’s future?

Australia’s rapidly deteriorating strategic circumstances have caused me to review my earlier stance on the navy’s future submarine requirements and the case for nuclear propulsion.

As Hugh White wrote in response to Paul Dibb and Richard Brabin-Smith’s 2017 paper on strategic risk in a new era:

If we decide that Australia should be able independently to resist a direct attack from a major Asian power like China, then we need to start building the forces to do that right now, not wait for some further warning sign.

The time has come for early consideration of all aspects of a transition to nuclear propulsion for Australia’s submarines based on compelling strategic and submarine capability arguments.

While acknowledging the strategic and operational advantages that a nuclear-powered submarine force would provide, it must be recognised that there would be some formidable challenges to overcome to add such a force to the RAN.

Quite apart from the political sensitivity of such a decision, it would be a protracted process requiring a lead time of 15 to 20 years, driven largely by the technical, training and educational preparations and a very significant increase in qualified personnel required to operate and maintain the force.

The current program to acquire 12 conventional future submarines (FSMs) is an essential starting point for a successful transition which will take significant time and a national focus to achieve. The RAN must first achieve the critical mass of submarine personnel and be able to sustain the manpower required for this challenging transition.

Attempting a transition before the Australian submarine arm has achieved sufficient size in platforms and personnel risks a capability gap even if there are no delays during the transition.

In the face of a deteriorating strategic outlook, the consequent need to transition to nuclear submarines (SSNs) expeditiously and the reality that growth of the submarine arm via FSM is essential to starting that transition, that program must be accelerated, with a national priority allocated for funds, personnel and a fast track for facilities.

A force of modern SSNs offers significant sea denial and force projection capabilities, providing at least twice the number of more capable submarines deployed at long range compared with an equivalent number of conventional submarines, assuring the ability to sustain a high level of deterrence and operational capability. A fleet of 12 double-crewed SSNs would allow four submarines to be on task at long range and constitute a formidable deterrent force. Such a fleet would also facilitate a rolling construction program.

A force of at least 10 nuclear submarines with 10 crews is the minimum required to maintain a critical mass of trained personnel and to generate the experience needed to man the senior supervisory and policy staff needed for a globally credible nuclear safety organisation.

A force of at least 12 conventional future submarines, each with a crew of at least 60 and a total submarine arm of at least 2,100, is judged to be a conservative, safe and viable starting point for a transition to a force of 10 SSNs.

The options for Australia to develop an SSN capability would be limited to building the boats offshore or to consolidating the vessels in Australia incorporating a reactor purchased offshore. Leasing SSNs is not a practical option.

A supporting nuclear power industry is desirable as it would provide Australia with a broader regulatory, technical and educational base. However, provided the costs of not having that support are clearly identified, the absence of an Australian nuclear power industry should not preclude a transition to nuclear propulsion for Australia’s submarines.

The timing of any transition should be one the study’s findings. Two timelines may serve to illustrate the long lead times required:

  • The initiation of a training program to prepare the policymakers and senior technical management personnel will be necessary six to eight years prior to ordering the first SSN.
  • Over 250 experienced RAN submariners (approximately 12% of the submarine arm operating 12 FSMs) would enter nuclear education and training pipelines approximately eight years prior to the commissioning of the first SSN.

Given the lead time, unfolding strategic situation and benefits of nuclear propulsion, an immediate decision is recommended to commit to a feasibility study into a transition to nuclear propulsion to be delivered by 2020. It’s time we understood the benefits, costs, risk and timescales of this option fully.

And finally, a reminder for cabinet’s national security committee. We need to accelerate the FSM project, with national priority for resources without reducing the sovereignty of our new subs. It would also be a good idea to stock up on the high-tech/costly/long-lead-time weapons to go in those torpedo tubes.

Will someone heed the warning bells?

Pump up the pump jet?

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A press briefing on the Australian future submarine (FSM) program by Jean-Michel Billig, the Australian program director for Naval Group (formerly DCNS), at the PACIFIC 2017 international maritime expo a few weeks ago set some hares running. Among other things, he said that ‘The vessels may end up with conventional propellers as well as air independent propulsion, which helps to increase underwater endurance’.

That was significant because DCNS made a big deal of offering Australia pump-jet propulsion during the competitive evaluation process for the FSM. We were told that ‘The Shortfin Barracuda uses a pump-jet propulsor that combines a rotor and stator within a duct to significantly reduce the level of radiated noise [compared with propellers] and avoids cavitation’. And DCNS Australia’s CEO really played up the significance of the technology:

There’s no better example of [the benefits of a strategic Australia–France relationship] than the offer from France to transfer to Australia sovereign control and use of pump-jet propulsion technology for the Shortfin Barracuda—technology resident only in France, the UK and the USA. Technology born from the French SSBN program a generation ago. The stealth and hydrodynamic performances of pump jet propulsion are of course classified and in Australia known only to DCNS and the Australian Government.

While no hard data has made its way into the public domain, an argument began doing the rounds among submarine tragics that pump jets are too inefficient at low speeds to make sense on a conventional submarine. (See here, for example, and I’ve had a stack of correspondence along those lines.) The recent Insight Economics report (PDF) has a chart (p. 103, redrawn below) that seems to show that pump jets turn electrical power into propulsion less efficiently than propellers at low speeds, though they are superior at higher speeds.

Critics of the pump jet argue that diesel-electric submarines spend much of their time at low speed, relying on batteries for power, so a propeller is the natural drive of choice for conventional submarines. That’s probably the basis for recent parliamentary questions (PDF, p. 22) about the submerged endurance of the FSM. Conversely, it’s argued, pump jets are the preferred propulsion system for nuclear submarines that travel at higher speeds and have almost unlimited power from a nuclear reactor.

I’m always wary of graphs without numbers, so I don’t know how much to read into the figure. But the argument is consistent with the observation that there are nuclear submarines around the world with pump jets (including the new French boats), but all conventionals have propellers. As I told the ABC recently, experiments with pump jets on diesel-electric boats—such as a single Russian navy Kilo-class submarine—don’t seem to have caught on. So there seems to be at least a prima facie case for propellers.

But an extraordinary claim—in this case that Naval Group is pulling the wool over the eyes of a clueless Commonwealth—requires extraordinary evidence. And on the flip side, Defence doesn’t seem to be too concerned. The department’s succinct response to a recent parliamentary question on notice was that ‘A [pump jet] can provide higher propulsive efficiency across the speed range of a submarine, including the patrol speed of conventional submarines’.

So how can we resolve the apparent discrepancy between propulsion physics (and observation of the world’s submarine fleets) and the statements of Naval Group and Defence? A possible answer is that the case against pump jets focuses on only one part of the story. If all you ever wanted a submarine to do was amble around at low speed, then you’d opt for a propeller. But there are other considerations. For a start, you want the submarine to be as quiet as possible, and the pump jet probably has the edge there. If extra stealth comes without too much performance impact, you’d take it—especially in the future anti-submarine warfare environment.

And Australia’s submarines have long transits to their patrol areas—substantially greater distances than other conventional boats—so efficient propulsion at higher transit speeds would save fuel, giving greater endurance in the patrol area. Reducing transit time is an effective force multiplier: a submarine with a 70-day endurance and a transit speed of 8 knots (representative numbers for a large diesel-electric boat like Collins) will use 31 days (44% of its total endurance) transiting to and from a patrol area 3,000 nautical miles (5,560 kilometres) from base. Reducing transit time and saving fuel potentially have a big payoff.

Another consideration is that the submarine has power requirements other than propulsion. At low speeds, the power usage can be dominated by the ‘hotel load’—the power required for onboard functions like the combat system and air conditioning. That might seem surprising, but the power required for propulsion goes as the cube of the speed—doubling the speed increases power consumption by a factor of eight. I’ve done a few simple calculations (algebra fans can see the geeky annex below), and it turns out that the submerged endurance on patrol at low speed can be many times the submerged endurance at transit speed, even if the drive is less efficient at patrol speed. I had to make a few simplifying assumptions, but a submerged endurance of over a week on batteries alone is entirely plausible, even without air-independent propulsion.

Nothing here proves that the pump-jet solution is right for the FSM, and it still might not work out. Hard numbers on noise and efficiency, including the crossover point of propeller and pump-jet efficiency, are needed for a robust assessment. It’s a safe bet that those won’t become public anytime soon, but that’s what the project office will be looking at when making engineering trade-offs during the design process.

 

Geeky annex

The power required for mobility at a speed $v$ is defined as $P_M (v)=P(v) epsilon (v)$, where $P(v)$ is the power taken from the batteries and $epsilon (v)$ is the efficiency of the entire drive train, including the propulsor and the main motor. If $P_T (v)$ is the total power being drawn and $P_H $ is the hotel load (assumed constant) then $P_T (v) = P_H + P_M (v)/ epsilon (v)$. Using the cube relationship for motive power as a function of speed, a little algebra shows that the ratio of the power use at transit speed to patrol speed is:

[

frac{P_T (v_T )}{P_T (v_P )}=mu+ frac{epsilon(v_P )}{epsilon(v_T )} (frac{v_T}{v_P})^3 (1-mu),

]

Here $mu = frac{P_H }{P_T (v_P )}$ is the fraction of power consumed by the hotel load in patrol conditions. To get a feel for the numbers involved, if the hotel load is 50% of the patrol power requirement, and the transit speed is four times the patrol speed, then the ratio is a little over eight, even if the propulsion is only 25% as efficient at the lower speed. That means that a day on transit power is equivalent to eight days on patrol from the point of view of total energy consumption.

The current cost of the future submarine

Today I’m coming back to a subject long dear to me—the cost of the Future Submarine program. Long term followers of the subject might recall ASPI’s 2009 paper How to buy a submarine (PDF), which contained an estimated program cost of $36 billion. I thought it was important to have a stab at costing to inform the public discussion. It certainly did that; it made headlines at the time and then took on a life of its own, appearing in all sorts of comparative contexts for years afterwards. And it was contentious, with other analysts producing rival, and invariably lower, costings. The best credentialled of those was a Kokoda study (PDF) that produced a number around half of ASPI’s estimate.

The 2009 ASPI figure was based on historical trend data, rather than a detailed costing of the Navy’s requirements. That was unavoidable, given the lack of publicly available information at the time. All we knew was that the 2009 Defence White Paper had called for a submarine with better range, endurance and speed than the Collins class. I later described it as a requirement for a ‘conventionally powered nuclear submarine’. (Little did I know how close we would get to signing up for precisely that five years later.)

The Kokoda paper also based its calculation on historical data in reaching its significantly lower figure. While that seems confusing, in fact both approaches were valid, but based on different assumptions about the future submarines. ASPI’s number assumed a ‘revolutionary’ future design that represented a step change in capability, consistent with the White Paper description. The Kokoda figure costed an ‘evolutionary’ boat that was better than Collins by some measures, but of a similar design philosophy, and costing about the same. The historical data shows evidence of both phenomena, so which was right boiled down to what was ultimately demanded of the future boats.

A 2012 ASPI paper explained the differences thusly:

‘… there are many possible prices for the future submarine, and the actual cost will be determined by choices that are made about the boat’s capability and size. If the submarine is something less than the specifications in the [2009 Defence] white paper, the cost could be substantially lower [than $36 billion].’

For one brief shining moment back in 2014, it looked like we might land on an evolutionary approach after all. I think we missed an opportunity to scale back short-to-medium term capability ambitions to produce an enhanced submarine fleet at lower cost and, more importantly given the strategic circumstances we’re likely to find ourselves in, on a shorter timescale. But ultimately the government decided to pursue a ‘regionally superior submarine’. It’s not clear to me (or other commentators) what that means, when Australia’s boats will be rubbing shoulders with nuclear submarines from India, China, Russia and the United States, all with greater payload, endurance, range and top speed.

But what is clear is that our future boats won’t be cheap. The Integrated Investment Plan released with last year’s Defence White Paper gives a figure of ‘greater than $50 billion’ in then-year dollars. But given that the last of those dollars won’t be spent until around 2050, we need to put the cost in today’s dollars to understand where we are on the cost–capability spectrum. To do that, we need to be able to predict how much money will be spent each year during this complex program, for which most of the planning is under wraps. Luckily there are some cost-prediction tools available to help us. The most suitable for this calculation is the Norden–Rayleigh curve, a model for estimating the spend spread for development projects. Historical data (PDF, slide 7) for American development programs fits the model very well.

The graph below shows modelled spends compared with the actual spending data for the Collins program between 1985 and 2006. The fit isn’t perfect, but it’s pretty good, with a correlation of 95%. It’s certainly a lot better than assuming a constant spend rate. And it’s close enough to give us confidence that the model will give a reasonable estimate for the future submarine as well.

My calculations assume that the future submarine program will spend significant annual sums for 30 years, consistent with statements that the last boat will be delivered in the late 2040s. The table below shows the results, assuming an inflation rate averaging 2.5% over the period. We don’t know exactly how much Defence thinks it will spend, so I’ve done the calculation for 50, 55 and 60 billion future dollars.

At this point ASPI’s 2009 estimate of $36 billion is looking pretty good. In fact, we can turn the calculation around: if the $36 billion historical estimate is right, then the Norden–Rayleigh calculation suggest that Defence’s planning figure is close to $56 billion. But any way you cut it, we’re paying a lot for our hoped-for regional superiority.

Correction: a previous version of this article incorrectly referred to a ‘nuclear powered conventional submarine’ in the cited 2011 quote. The error was due to the author misquoting himself!

Should some of our Barracudas go nuclear?

Image courtesy of Pixabay user MartinStr.

Australia’s decision to spend $50 billion on 12 French diesel-electric Shortfin Barracuda submarines reflects a long-established government preference for non-nuclear submarine forces. But will this preference remain strategically credible in future years if our strategic circumstances continue to deteriorate and if potential competitors continue to expand and to modernise their submarine fleets?

Australia’s new submarines are a conventional variant of a French nuclear-powered submarine design, and are scheduled to enter service from the early 2030s to the 2050s. So perhaps we need to remain open to possibly acquiring some nuclear-powered Shortfin Barracudas during the lengthy building period. A mix of conventional and nuclear submarines might prove to be an optimum outcome for Australia.

Of course it would be necessary to consider serious questions including cost, capability, crew training and availability, submarine numbers, local access to nuclear technology and nuclear technicians, inter-service rivalries, and domestic political acceptability among other things. But if changing circumstances were to force a decision on government, there’s at least some intriguing fairly recent history to help guide decision-makers.

The history is detailed in the prize-winning The Silent Deep by Peter Hennessy and James Jinks (Penguin Books, 2016), a history of the British Royal Navy submarine service since 1945. Hennessy and Jinks reveal the impact on the Royal Navy of the October 1957 visit to the UK of the USS Nautilus, the world’s first operational nuclear submarine, to take part in Operation Rum Tub, an exercise that matched Nautilus against Royal Navy ships.

In the exercise, Nautilus tore the Royal Navy apart so comprehensively that Lord Louis Mountbatten, the First Sea Lord, was moved to write at the time ‘we now appreciate that we are in the presence of a revolution in naval warfare in some ways more far-reaching than the transition from sail to steam’.

The Commander in Chief Home Fleet, Admiral Sir John Eccles, summed up the four key advantages of the nuclear submarine. It had complete freedom of action in three dimensions, it could disregard threats from the air because it could stay submerged, it had a good picture of what was happening on the surface, and it was ‘vastly superior’ to surface ships and conventional submarines in the attack role.

The Admiralty Board declared: ‘If the Royal Navy did not acquire these submarines it would cease to count as a naval force in world affairs’. It’s worth underscoring that these judgements on nuclear submarines were written 60 years ago.

Hennessy and Jinks detail the saga of Britain’s initial acquisition of four nuclear submarines with what passed for assistance from American Admiral Hyman G. Rickover. They show how the acquisitions transformed Britain’s ability to deliver nuclear weapons from the sea rather than from the air. It’s a remarkable narrative of Cold War strategic evolution.

Given the changing and increasingly fraught strategic environment facing Australia, defence planners cannot sit back contentedly as the new submarine construction gets underway. It may be that conventional submarine technology today is far superior to what was available to the Royal Navy during Operation Rum Tub in 1957. But it is also certain that nuclear submarine technology has advanced since the era of USS Nautilus. Australia needs to remain nimble and flexible in its force structure judgements

A fleet of conventional Shortfin Barracuda submarines would doubtless contribute to Australia’s ability to deter potential foreign intrusions and to support international naval coalitions with allies like the United States and Japan. But Australians would do well to recognise that in regional terms it is a very small fleet indeed.

North Korea, for example, has the region’s biggest submarine fleet with some 70 decrepit old tubs. China has some 68 submarines including around 10 nuclear submarines and it is working ferociously to increase and modernise its fleet. Indonesia has two submarines in service, two under sea trials and one under construction and it’s moving to update and modernise.

Of course these sketchy and imprecise raw numbers mean little. What matters is the quality of the boats and the lethality of their arms. Happily Australia’s key ally, the United States, has far and away the most powerful submarine fleet globally with some 66 boats, all nuclear-powered. What is much less clear is whether the US will remain a fully engaged partner in the Trump and post-Trump eras.

Which is why there may be some sense in noting the lessons of history. Back in 1957, as Hennessy and Jinks argue, the question was not whether the UK could afford nuclear submarines. After Nautilus, the question was whether the UK could afford to be without them. That question might, in time, confront Australia.

The Australia–France Treaty for the future submarine

The Parliament’s Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (pictured above at ASC in Adelaide) is holding a public hearing today to consider the Framework Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of the French Republic concerning Cooperation on the Future Submarine Program. (The Treaty is here.) I appeared as a witness, and my opening statement is below.

Thank you for the opportunity to appear this morning. I should say in advance that I do not claim any particular expertise in the formulation and interpretation of treaties. I do know something about submarines, the industrial arrangements for naval shipbuilding in Australia, and the nation’s experience of building and supporting the Collins class submarines. And I believe that these matters are pertinent to the Treaty in question.

Let me begin with some overarching comments about the Treaty. I think it does a valuable thing by putting in place Treaty level obligations to help Australia not only build the fleet of future submarines, but also to support them. In doing so, it should help ensure that we do not end up with a difficult to support ‘orphan’ capability should changes in the world environment alter France’s economic or strategic calculus. The difficulties we had in developing an indigenous capability to support the Swedish-designed Collins submarines—which contributed to the fleet becoming essentially moribund for a period in the late 2000s—should provide ample incentive to not repeat that experience.

The Collins program provides some excellent lessons in how not to deal with an international partner in a submarine build. There was a substantial falling out between Australia and Sweden over intellectual property issues, which went as far as to land the two parties in the Federal Court in 2001. The issue was ultimately resolved, and the Australian and Swedish Defence Ministers produced a joint communiqué in 2013 on the subject of intellectual property rights for submarine design and technology. But it was a good illustration of the pitfalls of collaboration on sensitive defence technologies. The clear clauses regarding obligations for the supply and ownership of intellectual property in the Treaty we are discussing today should go a long way to avoiding that sort of problem in the future submarine project.

But it’s worth understanding the background to the Collins IP dispute, because it’s pertinent to the Treaty we are talking about today. In 1998–99 cracking problems were discovered in the Collins’ propellers, and the Commonwealth shipped two units to the United States for analysis and advice. Propeller configuration is one of the ‘crown jewels’ of submarine design, and Kockums took court action in 2001 when another propeller was to be shipped, resulting in the unedifying spectacle of the ship carrying the article being held off the US coast while the court action was resolved. The Court found in favour of the Commonwealth, but a substantial reason for the decision was that the harm to Kockum’s position had already been done by the earlier shipments—hardly the basis for a trust-based relationship between the parties involved.

The involvement of the United States in that case is relevant to today’s discussion, because in reality we aren’t talking about a joint Australian-French submarine. We know that the weapons and combat system to be fitted to the vessels will be sourced from the US. Given the centrality of those systems to the boats’ effectiveness, the integration of American systems with those supplied or designed by France will be ‘make or break’ for Australia’s future submarine capability. In practice, this is a three way collaboration to be managed.

A critical question for the future submarine program, and especially for the extent of tri-lateral cooperation in the program, is what precisely constitutes a combat system. The suite of ‘black boxes’ that sits in the control room and takes data from sensors and other inputs is correctly termed the combat management system. The extended combat system includes the sensors, such as sonars and the periscope imaging system. In the Collins, we use an American combat management system in concert with European-sourced sensors. That has certain implications for how data is managed—it requires a one way flow in order to quarantine the American technology.

I suspect that the Americans would like us to include their sensor systems in the future submarine, in part to avoid those sorts of data management issues, and in part because it is good for business. That might avoid some of the data management issues, but it would also more deeply enmesh French and American technologies in the detailed design of the boat. Managing the interests and intellectual property rights of all three players will be necessary to successfully deliver the capability we want. The Treaty before us now is a necessary step, but it needs to be part of a three-way arrangement that protects the interests of Australia, France and the United States.

Let me end with a caution. Australia and France share many values, and we have broad shared strategic interests in maintaining what the Defence White Paper called ‘the rules based global order’. To that extent we should be able to enter into long-term industrial and technological arrangements with confidence. But we have quite different approaches to defence industry. France has a much more nationalised approach to its defence industry sector, and therefore has a strong and direct commercial interest in selling its products. The Government of France owns DCNS. We should not convince ourselves that sharing submarine technology with Australia is entirely an act of altruism towards a strategic partner. We should keep our eyes open, be aware of the economic imperative at work, and protect our interests when necessary.

Australia’s future submarine: big boats versus a big fleet

Everyone agrees that we should, whenever possible, buy military equipment based closely on existing designs rather than new ones. Doing so results in lower costs, lower risks and quicker delivery. So why aren’t we going for a boat closer to an existing design for the Future Submarine? The key answer is the size of the boat we’re after; no one has an ‘off the shelf’ design for a conventional boat the size we want.

But why do we want such a big boat? There are many views on this. I’ve previously suggested that the key drivers are roles and range: we want our subs to carry a lot of different systems to perform many different roles, and to operate a long way from base.

Some other factors may have come into play as well. The decision early in the process to mandate the US AS/BYG-1 combat management system might well have committed us to a big boat because that system reportedly needs more space and power than existing conventional designs could provide, except for the Collins. And there remains a suggestion that some decision-makers have been influenced by the desire to create a path to a nuclear-powered submarine in the not-too-distant future, which would certainly help explain a preference for a bigger boat.

That all shows that the real reasons the Government has chosen to buy such a big boat remain a mystery, like so much else about the project—the status of AIP, the apparent decision against Li-ion batteries, the choice of pump jet propulsion, the alleged acoustic failings of the German contender and the total absence of any competitive discipline in the process from now on.

If the choice has been driven by the combat system or the dream of a nuclear future, then it’s plainly a huge mistake. Neither of those offers sufficient reason to accept the costs, risks and delays inherent in the current plan. Nor, as I have argued, does the desire for a submarine optimised for operations beyond the core role of anti-ship warfare.

The only good reason to go for a big boat is mission range and endurance. That really is important. Submarines—especially conventionally-powered ones—are most effective when they operate closest to the home ports of a potential adversary or in key chokepoints. For Australian subs operating from HMAS Stirling those are a long way away. (Exactly which ports and chokepoints we’re talking about is a big question, but for another time.)

For a diesel-electric submarine, mission range and endurance depends above all on fuel load. The ratio of fuel carried to fuel consumed improves as a boat gets bigger, so bigger boats have longer range and endurance. So it seems obvious that we can’t buy a boat off the shelf, because no MOTS boat is big enough to offer the range and endurance that our unique circumstances require.

But is that really true? That might depend on whether we’re looking at the capability of each boat, or the capability of the fleet as a whole. Discussions about range and endurance invariably focus on the capabilities of each boat. That’s an understandable preoccupation for those who actually drive them, but it’s not what really matters for the rest of us.

What matters to Australia is the capability of the fleet. As far as range and endurance are concerned, we should be aiming for the fleet of submarines that offers the largest number of days on station in key operational areas per dollar spent. And that depends not just on how long each boat can stay at sea, but on how much it costs.

We can illustrate this general point with a hypothetical example. Boat A is 4,000 tonnes, costs $4 billion and, after allowing for transit to and from, can spend 30 days on station. Boat B, displacing 3,000 tonnes, costs $2 billion, and can spend 20 days on station. In this example, Boat B offers 50% more days on station for each dollar.

Of course we’d need more boats to achieve the same number of days on station, so operational costs would be higher, as would demands for crews. And moving boats in and out of the operational area more often would impose some tactical costs as crews have to familiarise themselves with the specific environment. But a big cost advantage could still lie with a bigger fleet of smaller boats—and it would be a more robust capability in the face of operational losses.

So how closely do the real numbers reflect the hypothetical ones in my example? I don’t know. The sums are more complex than my example suggests, because of possible differences in transit speed, for example. And credible information on the range and endurance of submarines is hard to come by, as is reliable information on costs.

But it’s quite possible that spending $50 billion on a bigger fleet of smaller, cheaper boats would give us more submarines on station, more reliably, and with far lower project and schedule risk than the smaller fleet of more costly and risky big boats that we’re aiming for now.

If advocates of big boats think that isn’t the case, it would be useful to see the numbers on which their conclusions rest. And this question can’t simply be dismissed, as some try to do, by saying that smaller boats simply can’t operate at all at such ranges. The 3,400 ton Collins class boats operate quite successfully a long way from home.

In fact, the more one thinks about it, the more one wonders whether an evolved Collins design would not in fact have been the best option. And the more one wonders whether it isn’t too late to revisit that option…

France reassures its partners after DCNS leak

Malaysian Scorpene submarine

While the DCNS leak crisis shouldn’t deeply harm France’s relations with India and Australia, it has already had consequences. In particular, recent reporting that India might not go ahead with a follow-on buy of Scorpenes will be worrying the French company.

The French public shipbuilding firm has been targeted by what it describes as an act of ‘economic warfare’: an apparent cyber-attack leading to the leak of information pertaining to its Scorpene submarines built in India. In fact, The Australian revealed last week that it had access to 22,400 pages of documents that had been leaked from the company in 2011. These documents disclose the maintenance of crucial elements of the Indian submarines, such as torpedo launching systems, periscopes and communication equipment.

A former employee of DCNS is currently suspected of the leak. It is uncertain whether the company had dismissed him for misconduct while he was working in India for one of its subcontractors in charge of training the Indian Navy.

To alleviate concern, DCNS’ strategy is two-fold: firstly, to communicate widely that the leak was, in fact, not detrimental for countries operating Scorpenes and, secondly, to take legal proceedings against anyone responsible for the leak or the publication of the documents. Despite these efforts, the affair still remains an embarrassment for DCNS.

The French Ministry of Defence is directly involved in this affair. In fact, the French State owns more than 62% of DCNS’ capital . Thalès, also partly controlled by the State, owns 35% of the company. The Ministry has tried to protect the reputation of DCNS and reassure current and future buyers.

DCNS’ core strategy, supported by French and Indian authorities and relayed in French newspapers, consists in insisting how inoffensive the leak would be for the countries operating Scorpene submarines. Firstly, there is doubt over the authenticity of the documents. According to the French newspaper Le Monde (French), the documents leaked to The Australian may have mentioned the name ‘Scorpene India’, which didn’t exist on the original documents. Moreover, the documents pertain to the maintenance of the submarines and don’t give vital information on how to detect them. The submarines’ sound signature, for instance, remains secret. India’s Ministry for Defence, whose country has committed to buy six Scorpene submarines, asserted that the security of the submarines wasn’t threatened.

Parallel to its communication strategy, DCNS filed a complaint against an unknown person for breach of trust. The Paris public prosecutor has opened a preliminary investigation seeking to discover those responsible for the leak. The French firm has also successfully obtained an injunction in the Supreme Court of NSW forbidding the newspaper The Australian to further publish any part of leaked document. Because of this pressure, the newspaper has decided not to publish information about the submarines’ weapons system.

These legal and communication strategies have been mainly aimed at India and Australia. India signed a contract with DCNS in 2005 and is expecting to operate its first Scorpene submarine at the beginning of next year. The country aims to modernise its Navy and to assert its ambitions in the Indian Ocean, especially against Pakistan and China, both of which are no doubt eager to access the documents. Indian policy-makers were irritated by DCNS’ first statement that the leak could have come from India. The Indian Ministry for Defence has opened an inquiry in order to discover where this cyber-attack has come from.

There are also significant concerns in Malaysia, Chile and Brazil, countries that also operate or will operate Scorpene submarines. DCNS has worked on reassuring them as well on the security of their equipment.

Given Australia’s recent selection of the French firm for the detailed design of 12 Shortfin Barracuda submarines, worth AUD$50 billion, the timeframe of the leak isn’t surprising. Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull has wished to reassure the Australian public opinion by explaining that Scorpenes and Shortfin Barracudas are very different submarines and that this data leak won’t weaken the security of Australia’s future submarines. The company will have to demonstrate to its Australian partners that such a leak won’t happen again and that the data pertaining to Australia’s submarines will be protected from foreign intelligence.

French foreign policy-makers have taken Australia’s concerns very seriously. France understands the submarine deal with Australia as a tangible deepening of the two countries strategic partnership for the stability of the South Pacific, where Canberra and Paris have considerable common interests.

The leak that has targeted DCNS is substantial and concerning and it constitutes a hard blow for the French shipbuilding firm. We will see over the next few months if India maintains its reported intention to curtail any further purchases and if DCNS will be penalised by this affair in its competition for submarine contracts in Poland and Norway.

Australia’s Future Submarine: the great battery debate

Image courtesy of Flickr user Apionid

Unlike nearly all northern hemisphere diesel-electric submarines, the Swedish-designed Collins class is intended to meet a unique operational requirement—to routinely conduct long and distant patrols. This presents many engineering challenges not faced by other navies. To quote a retired submarine engineer, ‘No other navy flogs its diesel-electric submarines thousands of miles across the ocean and then sends them on patrol’.  

Our Oberon class shared some similar characteristics with Collins—including long range. The Oberons travelled on the surface and dived just short of the patrol area, but the Collins was designed to remain dived because of the increasing threat of being discovered at the surface.

The unique operational requirement and the need to remain covert led to many design challenges for Collins. Among these were dealing with the size of the lead-acid main storage battery bank (more than three times larger than the Oberon equivalent) and the large installed diesel-generating capacity (half as much again as the Soryu class). And to ensure peak performance of the battery, the Oberons would conduct a ‘gassing’ charge while still surfaced before reaching the diving position. It takes many hours to gas-charge the battery at reducing rates of power, to get that final 20% of battery capacity.

But the Collins transits in a dived state. In a dived submarine, the engines—which burn the hydrogen from the battery—might have to be stopped for operational ‘events’, emergencies or simply failure to maintain periscope depth. And to prevent an explosive buildup of hydrogen, the diesels must be run for an hour after completion of gassing, so gas-charging whilst dived is not permitted.

Without gassing a lead-acid battery, the cells cannot be charged to full capacity. As explained by Peter Briggs, this means the usable capacity is a much reduced 50% at best. And during a high speed sprint, the capacity is reduced even further at lower states of charge.

To counter reduced performance with cycling and age, maintenance gassing charges are required. These are required several times a year when alongside, and remove at least a week from operational time.

But lead-acid batteries have many good characteristics—reasonable energy density at low patrol speeds, scalability, and sited low in a submarine the mass aids stability. They can be stored dry before commissioning and installation. They are robust to abuse, overcharge and over-temperature operation. After 100 years, the acidic electrolyte and hydrogen are well understood and manageable.

That said, the new high-tech lithium-ion batteries have several advantages. They can store up to 100% greater energy. They can be fully charged quickly, at the maximum charging rate. Even better, lithium-ion retains good performance down to low states of charge. And there is much less maintenance charging and hardly any physical maintenance.

With these advantages, convinced of its safety mitigations, Japan has chosen lithium-ion in its later Soryu class in place of the lead-acid battery and the ultra-quiet Swedish air independent propulsion or AIP. The AIP is effectively like a battery which can extend dived endurance by about two to three weeks, but only at relatively low patrol speeds. Lithium-ion batteries can store around the same energy as AIP but without the complexity, can be used at sprint speeds and can be recharged at sea. So the Japanese approach is understandable.

So why not simply switch from lead-acid to lithium-ion? The French submarine designer DCNS is clear—safety—as reported recently by David Wroe.

Existing commercial lithium-ion cells are complicated. Australia’s Future Submarine would need over 100,000 cells in some 500 modules. For over-charge and over-temperature protection, safety critical electronics is required in each module. In high-energy cells, thermal runaway can occur as low as 120oC and typically releases very high energy, toxic gasses and conductive dust and is almost impossible to extinguish. This requires hardened boundaries between cells and modules with an associated reduction in energy density. Safer chemistries are available, at the expense of energy storage, but they still present significant hazards with release of flammable and toxic materials.

In the life of 100,000 cells and a fleet of 12 submarines there is likely to be a failure that cannot be stopped or controlled, with a catastrophic outcome. The Boeing 787 battery fires and the burning of the US Navy’s Advanced Seal Delivery System are reminders that contemporary lithium-ion is not yet safe enough for submarines.

Although suppliers are beginning to aim for safer chemistries, they require complicated supporting systems, and the value proposition considering safety, cost and performance gains is still questionable. But the advance of lithium is not over. My bet is that the first supplier to select an intrinsically safe lithium ion chemistry and who can still deliver on performance and long life will be the Navy’s supplier of choice.

Transitioning from lead-acid to lithium technology requires a new submarine design. But whether 5 or 15 years away, there is a compelling need to plan for such a transition for Australia’s Future Submarine.

The 2016 Defence White Paper: politics meets strategy

Canberra is where strategy and politics meet.

Always to confer; occasionally to collide. Ever seeking conclusion—ever settling for compromise.

In the politics and strategy games, cooperation and clash are constant companions. And Canberra is where the strategy of politics convenes with the politics of strategy.

Canberra was thus the natural venue in February for the Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, to release the 2016 Defence White Paper—although this column grumped about the symbolism of the presidential PM snubbing Parliament.

The ASPI White Paper conference aced the politico–strategic symbolism last week by convening equidistant from the Parliament on Capital Hill and the Defence Department at Russell.

Beyond the symbolism, mark it a brave effort to consider policy as politics prevails. Because Canberra is plunging towards a giant black hole where all matter—policy, strategy, budget—will be consumed and turned into politics.

The pull of the black hole is immense when the most important day in Canberra’s calendar—the May Budget—shapes as no more than a brief stop for the election express.

The strategy of such politics is strange.

Canberra lore decrees that governments should:

  1. Never run a long election campaign.
  2. Never hold an election in winter.

That lore is the Canberra version of Field Marshal Montgomery’s first two rules of war:

  1. Do not march on Moscow.
  2. Do not go fighting with your land armies in China. It is a vast country, with no clearly defined objectives.

As Oz sets off on a long political march with rolling battles, Monty would reflect that the objective is clear but the route, terrain, tactics and weather are deeply problematic.

One unusual element of the trek is that on Defence, the Coalition government and Labor opposition are marching in step. Consensus is back in fashion.

ASPI’s White Paper conference showcased a Coalition government and Labor busily agreeing.

After speeches by the Defence Minister, Marise Payne, and Labor’s shadow Defence Minister, Stephen Conroy, a non-Oz participant expressed amazement at ‘the love in the room.’

One of Canberra’s wise owls, Paul Dibb, told the conference: ‘Thank God we now have a bipartisan approach’. As a man with a deep knowledge of the entrails of the seven Defence White Papers since 1976, Dibb declared: ‘This is the best Defence White Paper we have had.’

The broad agreement of the Defence ‘debate’ bears little resemblance to the no-holds hack, kick and maul of the election black hole enveloping the rest of Canberra.

Much of Payne’s speech could have been delivered by a Labor minister. Much of Conroy’s effort could have been conveyed with conviction by a Lib.

The Liberal Defence Minister boasted of a shipbuilding industry policy that would gladden any democratic socialist: ‘a new industrial landscape’, ‘a national enterprise’ and ‘a national endeavour’.

Senator Payne promised certainty for workers and industry that in the past had been ‘subject to the vagaries of elected governments.’

The government that presided over the last rites of the Oz car industry has discovered the joys of industry policy for ships and subs.

Then the Labor frontbencher returned the favour by attacking the Tories from the right wing.

Stephen Conroy launched with lashings of praise for the US. The government’s failing was to be soft and slow on the alliance.

Australia, Conroy said, should be upping its efforts in the South China Sea, following the US lead. And the government was dilatory in not finalising the cost-sharing negotiations with the US for Northern Territory military facilities.

Conroy repeated Labor’s full support for the White Paper funding decisions and 2% of GDP for Defence by 2020–21.

Showing huge chutzpah given Labor’s performance in office from 2007–13, Conroy made his key spending criticism that the White Paper is ‘fully costed not fully funded.’

The consensus restoration process is nearly complete on the future submarine.

All the matter flowing towards the election black hole shows the government is about to join Labor in committing to build all 12 subs in Adelaide.

If there’s no announcement before the federal election, SA will think the worst (Sub Dudded!) and vote accordingly. So an announcement there will be.

The proclamation will mean the sinking of the cheaper offshore-build options the Coalition entertained when taking office in 2013.

Politics drives the strategy and the looming election demands action. Now.

As an exercise in politics, South Australia has mounted a magnificent, sustained campaign. The Adelaide Advertiser newspaper has chronicled it with a dinkus headline: ‘Battle for submarines’.

No offshore option means the Advertiser can change its dinkus to ‘Submarine Victory!’ Or perhaps it could use, ‘Politics meets strategy; politics wins.’

The Adelaide announcement is set to arrive before the May budget.

Take a 50-50 bet that Malcolm Turnbull will go the whole way and announce the successful bidder as well.

The choice between Japan, France or Germany is just about made. Why not announce immediately?

Such a decision would be a big answer to all that damaging guff about Malcolm Turnbull never being able to make up his mind.

And if the Japanese have been as miserly in sharing information as it’s rumoured, wager on a French or German victory.