Tag Archive for: freedom of navigation

Editors’ picks for 2024: ‘Military challenges to Beijing’s South China Sea claims are increasing’

Originally published on 22 October 2024.

Deployments of ships and aircraft to challenge China’s illegal claims in the South China Sea are increasing. European ships are appearing more often, while Asia-Pacific countries are increasingly conducting activities in areas that China regards as sensitive.

Several nations have claims in the South China Sea, but China’s claim is the most extensive and controversial. Beijing seeks to enforce sovereign rights and jurisdiction over all features within the nine-dash line, including the islands, rocks and atolls that make up the Paracel and Spratly Islands. China claims this territory despite a 2016 ruling that found that China’s claims had no basis in international law.

With international law doing little to curb China’s ambitions, more countries are using their militaries to challenge China’s claims. In 2024, more European navies operated in the South China Sea than previously in recent years, with Britain, France, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands all sending ships to the region. Meanwhile regional counties, such as Japan, Canada, New Zealand and Australia, stepped up their engagement, including via joint sailings with the Philippines in the South China Sea.

Different countries take different approaches to challenging China’s illegal claims in the South China Sea. Some militaries are operating within the nine-dash line. Others sail naval ships directly through the Spratly Islands. Some advertise their activities; others do not.

Only a few have conducted activities close to the Paracels, because doing so is unusually risky. A 2022 incident in which a Chinese pilot dumped chaff in front of an Australian P-8 Poseidon surveillance aircraft is an example of the risk.

The US is the only country to send aircraft or ships within 12 nautical miles of claimed features. By doing so, it would be entering territorial waters if China did in fact own the territory.

These military activities to challenge China’s claims have occurred since 2015:

Country

Military activities in the SCS
Challenges Spratly claims
Challenges Paracel claims
Challenges within 12nm
Publicises challenges
USA

Canada

Australia

* *

NZ

*

Japan

*

UK

France

Germany

Netherlands

Italy

*Challenges are likely but cannot be confirmed

Apart from countries around the South China Sea, which must routinely operate on or over it, the US has by far the most public and active military presence. In 2023, the US military conducted 107 activities, including six specific operations to challenge China’s illegal claims under the US Freedom of Navigation program. US activities are always accompanied by strong public statements.

France and Canada are both active in the region, including within the Spratlys. Both advertise their military presence and actions. Canada now carries journalists on some South China Sea transits. It has operated close to the Paracel Islands, but, as demonstrated when a Chinese fighter fired flares near a Canadian helicopter in 2023, doing so comes with risks. In 2015, France boldly exercised its right to freedom of navigation by sailing a task force through the Paracels.

Australia has an active military presence in the South China Sea. There’s evidence that Australia operates close to China’s illegal claims. However, the tempo and nature of its military challenges are hard to determine, because Canberra does not advertise them. China’s military has been aggressive in seeking to deter Australia from operating near the two island groups by engaging in unsafe intercepts.

New Zealand has a semi-regular presence inside the nine-dash line, commensurate with the size of its armed forces. Meanwhile, Japan has a growing military presence in the region and is increasingly working with partners, such as the US, Australia and the Philippines. As with Australia, there are signs that Japan and New Zealand operate close to, or within, the Spratly group, but neither publicise specific actions, so the nature of them is hard to determine.

Britain sent a carrier strike group through the South China Sea in 2021 and intends to do so again next year. The British military operates close to the Spratly and Paracel Islands and uses public messaging to reinforce the importance of sailing in these areas.

Signalling growing European interest in the region, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy sent navy ships to the area in 2024. But none seems to have overtly challenged China’s claims within the Spratlys or Paracels.

The most notable regional absentee is South Korea. In 2018, a South Korean destroyer, Munmu the Great, took refuge from a typhoon in the Paracel Islands. But Seoul quickly clarified that the ship was not there to challenge China’s claims. Likewise, when the littoral states of South East Asia routinely operate there, they do not directly challenge China’s claims via freedom of navigation transits.

The growing presence of European navies in the South China Sea and stepped-up activity of Asia-Pacific countries there is welcome. It’s helping to push back on China’s growing aggression and reinforce longstanding rules and norms that underpin regional prosperity.

Protecting trade through deterrence

Pirates!

David McDonough gave a stout defence of the Air Warfare Destroyer on this blog. In several respects it’s a superior platform to our existing fleet and some proposed alternatives—namely, the smaller, cheaper ships suggested by Hugh White. However, close focus on the operational task of that AWD and the strategic objective underpinning that task is essential.

I’ll sidestep the important ship survivability question to tackle another important objective of our naval forces. James Goldrick rightly highlights the importance of protecting maritime trade. However Andrew Davies and Mark Thomson cast doubt on whether navies will ever be sufficient to protect trade, due to the falling relative size of naval fleets.

That poses a question: if merchant fleets are now so vast, and naval fleets so small and increasingly shrinking, why is seaborne trade still safe compared to the centuries of the Age of Sail? Today the International Maritime Organization’s monthly and annual reports count a few hundred pirate attacks annually, but only a few dozen hijackings succeed (33 in 2012), and it’s very seldom that crew or ships remain missing. Land raids on ports are non-existent, and condemnation from nation-states is universal. In contrast around the period 1803–1812 the USN understands that 1,500 American merchant vessels were seized by England and France, around 10,000 American sailors kidnapped and enslaved in the service of the Royal Navy. One thousand, five hundred English ships were captured mostly by American privateers during the War of 1812 that followed, and Rear Admiral Cockburn terrorised towns in the Chesapeake. If Andrew and Mark are correct, increased naval presence alone can’t have made shipping routes so secure. Perhaps another factor is at play, and I’d argue that technological change is the key.

Three hundred years ago wooden ships fought at extremely close range. Decisive battles often ended in a melee, where the ships were drawn together, one crew overpowered the other, and took the ship as a prize. Ideally some broadsides would have killed many of the opposing crew before boarding, but the battles generally concluded with stiff close-quarters combat on the decks of the ship. As such, ships rarely sank. Instead, the prize was sailed back to port by its captors, along with its cargo and prisoners. The ships were then repaired, and redeployed.

Consequently there was an economic incentive to engage in naval warfare, including attacking merchant ships. Not only did the victim suffer a material loss, the aggressor gained a direct benefit. The opportunity to surrender when defeat seemed certain was another corollary, often exercised by merchants attacked by naval vessels, or heavily armed pirates or privateers.

Fast-forward to WWI. With conoidal explosive shells, concentric forged steel gun-barrels, submarines, planes and torpedoes, anti-shipping weapons were long-ranged and lethal. The first shots were fired from miles rather than yards away. Steam power and iron hulls made a difference too. Blasting away masts and rigging effectively immobilised a ship while leaving its wooden hull afloat. The equivalent attack on the boiler and turbines meant initially penetrating deep into the heavy iron hull below the waterline, which inevitably sank first.

Overall, technological developments had transformed naval warfare. In the Age of Sail, ships were hard to sink, but easy to steal. In the 20th century the opposite was true. If a ship refused to surrender, it was hard to overpower without sinking it. But sinking a merchantman by surprise with a torpedo from a submarine was relatively easy, cheap and effective, as Germany showed during WWI. The maritime establishment of 1917 were appalled, but couldn’t reverse the paradigm shift. Stopping shipping meant sinking vessels, and generally by surprise.

This links closely to the peace of our oceans today. Two hundred years ago state naval powers routinely sponsored private citizens to attack and steal rival shipping with or without a formal state of war. Now such harassment or theft seems unthinkable between nation states. And it’s not because we have a naval ship escorting every merchant. It’s because an escalation leaves both parties’ merchant fleets sunk, and no-one profits.

Consequently it’s possible that navies don’t keep merchant ships safe by protecting them directly from attack. Instead they credibly threaten lethal and overwhelming retaliation on other merchant ships. Long-range, powerful weapons that can deny access to the most advanced naval ships hold the maritime equivalent of a nuclear threat over un-armed commercial trade. We are living in an age of Mutually Assured Economic Destruction (MAED). Like the infamous MAD doctrine of the Cold War, it’s remarkably stable and effective at deterring any aggression against merchant ships, despite the horrific cruelty necessitated if it were exercised.

If this theory has merit the implications could be substantial for navies. There will still be a need for them and their surface vessels. However, the types of ships and functions we expect of them might change. In particular, the expensive Area Air Defence capabilities of the AWD might not be justifiable on the grounds of protecting trade. Ironically, some relatively cheap but still lethal ship-sinking platforms, (like basic diesel submarines, or even lowly missile corvettes or swarms of speedboats) could be exactly what we need.