Tag Archive for: Belarus

Europe’s new refugee crisis

The humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan has already deepened conflicts elsewhere, including Europe, where a confrontation is escalating between Belarus and its European Union neighbours: Poland, Lithuania and Latvia.

Even before the meltdown in Kabul, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko had been funnelling refugees and migrants across the border, both to exact revenge for EU sanctions on his dictatorship and to generate some additional revenue. Belarusian authorities have organised flights from Iraqi and Turkish cities. After charging several thousand dollars per passenger and promising safe and seamless delivery to Western Europe, they have been dumping their human cargo on the Polish, Lithuanian or Latvian border.

Since the beginning of the year, more than 4,000 refugees have reached Lithuania—a 50-fold increase from 2020—shaking local communities and roiling domestic public opinion. Faced with the influx, Lithuania and Latvia have introduced a state of emergency. Now Poland, where there have already been several hundred attempts to foist refugees across the border, is joining them. Confused, lost, and hungry refugees are being captured in border towns and forcibly returned to the Belarusian side. Although such ‘pushbacks’ run afoul of the Geneva Convention, EU countries have increasingly relied on the practice.

Poland is openly ignoring the right of all refugees to apply for international protection. Rather than placing them in designated centres and investigating their claims, Polish authorities are expelling them as quickly as possible. As a result, there are growing encampments in the border zone.

For the past two weeks, the country’s attention has been drawn to a group of 32 migrants from Afghanistan who were sent back to the Polish-Belarusian border: haggard men, women and children wandering the border area, boxed in by border guards, military personnel and police from both countries. They sleep on the ground, while lawyers, journalists, opposition MPs and even doctors are given no access. Polish authorities have not provided food, so the refugees are surviving on bread from the Belarusians and water from a stream. Without hygiene or medicine, more and more of them are falling ill.

Meanwhile, Poland’s de facto leader, the Law and Justice (PiS) party chairman Jaroslaw Kaczynski, has been exploiting the situation for his own propaganda purposes, hoping that opposition to accepting refugees will have a similar galvanising effect for his supporters as it did in 2015. PiS is growing more desperate now that its support has dropped to 30%—a level that no longer guarantees an electoral victory.

The Polish government wants to create an atmosphere of fear, so that it can position itself as the guardian of a supposedly endangered society. The authorities immediately sent helicopters and 1,000 armed soldiers to face a group of desperate unarmed people. A high barbed-wire fence is now being erected along the border with Belarus, where the prime minister and cabinet ministers have staged visits dressed in military uniforms, promising to rescue Poles ‘from a new wave of refugees’.

On 25 August, the European Court of Human Rights ordered Poland to provide refugees on the border with water, food, clothes, medical care and, if possible, temporary shelter. But the Polish government claims that it is dealing with illegal immigrants who could not be helped anyway, because they are on the Belarusian side of the border (which is not true). To create an alibi, it has sent a truck with food and medicine to a border crossing far from where the Afghans are camped out. As predicted, Belarus is denying the truck entry.

None of this adds up, because all sides are engaged in the most cynical kind of politics. Belarus is refusing to allow aid to reach the refugees while simultaneously boasting that it is helping with the evacuation of Afghans from Kabul. Poland, similarly, is refusing entry to Afghan refugees while simultaneously accepting thousands of Belarusians fleeing Lukashenko’s dictatorship.

The Polish government’s behaviour has drawn harsh criticism from the liberal media, NGOs and the opposition. But the response of Donald Tusk, the former Polish prime minister and European Council president who returned to domestic politics recently, has been notably subdued. Though Tusk criticises the government for refusing to provide the most basic assistance to the refugees, he also stresses the need to maintain tight control over the border.

Tusk well knows that ordinary Poles are not as sympathetic towards refugees as the liberal media and NGOs are. This is confirmed by an Institute for Market and Social Research (IBRiS) survey showing that a majority of Poles (54%) are against accepting immigrants and refugees, whereas only 38% of respondents support opening the borders to them. When asked whether a wall should be erected on the border between Poland and Belarus, 47% of respondents answered yes, while 43% disagreed.

The Polish government’s response has been carefully executed to achieve a maximum propaganda effect. If the Polish authorities were truly worried about the refugees camped out at the border (and others who might be sent by Lukashenko), they would have erected a fence a month or two ago. Everyone has known about the similar situation at the Lithuanian-Belarusian border for quite some time. A coordinated propaganda operation by the Polish and Belarusian governments could not be more effective.

China, Belarus and the bear in the room

A vast, mostly empty industrial park just outside of Minsk, Belarus, might seem like an unlikely locus of high-tech Chinese innovation. In January, however, it was announced that the China–Belarus Great Stone Industrial Park will be designated as the first of Belarus’s special economic zones for the Eurasian Economic Union in an attempt to lure more Chinese technology companies to invest in Belarus.

As the largest foreign investment project in the country (literally as well as metaphorically—the park is eventually planned to be over 112 square kilometres), Great Stone is the crown jewel in China’s increasingly active engagement with Belarus. The special economic zone will form a bridge between the Eurasian Economic Union and China’s Belt and Road projects, giving Chinese companies tax-free entry to markets in Russia and Central Asia.

In his 2018 state-of-the-nation address, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenka praised the rapid development of Chinese–Belarusian relations. Significantly, he rhetorically placed relations between China and Belarus on an equal footing with relations between Belarus and Russia.

‘We will strengthen the relations in the eastern direction: both with Russia and with the PRC. For Belarus these relations are the strongest support and an asset’, Lukashenka said.

Chinese investment has poured into Belarus over the past five years. Technology is a prominent theme. In addition to Great Stone, Belarus and China have signed an agreement to establish a research and development centre with a focus on smart technologies, computer semantics and artificial intelligence systems. Chinese investment has also gone into Belarusian railways, infrastructure, construction and manufacturing. China is now Belarus’s third most significant trading partner after Russia and Ukraine, with trade expected to top $3.5 billion in 2018—just a drop in a very large bucket for China, but highly significant for Belarus.

Defence and security ties between the two nations are also strengthening. China has helped the Belarusian army develop its missile and satellite capabilities. In 2018, PLA troops participated for the first time in Belarus’s Independence Day parade along with Belarusian and Russian servicemen. National security and policing is another area in which Belarus (often referred to as Europe’s last dictatorship) is being encouraged to look to China as a model, especially in the area of high-tech surveillance.

People and ideas are following the flow of money and technology. In October 2018 a Chinese–Belarusian visa-free agreement came into force. Both governments are promoting educational and language exchange programs for students. Lukashenka’s son Kolya, who is reportedly being groomed to take over the leadership after his father, released a congratulatory message in Chinese for the 2018 spring festival.

A very different sort of travel experience is being had by thousands of Chinese workers in Belarus, including those constructing Great Stone, who are reportedly working under terrible conditions with little or no oversight from Belarusian authorities.

The sudden blossoming of the China–Belarus relationship has its roots in the strategic interests of both countries. To mix metaphors, however, the situation is made much more complex by the elephant in the room—or rather, the bear.

What China stands to gain from deepening its relationship with Belarus is relatively straightforward. Belarus might be extremely small potatoes as a trading partner, but its geographic location makes it a key link between the Asian and European stretches of the Belt and Road project. The ‘green transport corridor’ planned to connect Germany and China runs straight through the middle of Belarus. Belarus also forms a valuable economic and political stepping stone for China into the larger and profitable Russian and Central Asian markets.

Belarus’s game is more complex. The desire for Chinese investment is obvious: the Belarusian economy is still recovering from recession, and Lukashenka has never been one to turn down an influx of foreign cash.

However, another part of the motivation in cosying up to China is likely to be the desire for a new counterweight to balance off against Russia. For decades, Lukashenka has danced a difficult two-step between Russia and the EU, in an effort to give himself a little wriggle room despite his nation’s fundamental reliance on Russian loans and subsidies. By periodically appearing to flirt with the idea of liberalisation and closer ties with the EU, Lukashenka has been able to negotiate better deals than Belarus would likely otherwise have received from its vastly more powerful neighbour.

But with the EU’s attention focused on its own internal turmoils, the old tricks are no longer working, and Russia knows it.

Putin has increasingly been turning the screws on Lukashenka (the personal animosity between the two men is well known), cutting loans and subsidies and threatening Belarusian exports. In recent weeks, relations between Russia and Belarus have approached crisis point. Even more disturbingly for Lukashenka, the ever-present rumours that Russia has plans to annex Belarus have grown significantly louder than usual.

Lukashenka is in dire need of leverage. It is becoming more and more apparent that he hopes to cast China in the role of the absent EU, allowing him to prolong his decades-old highwire balancing act with Russia.

The question is, how much is the relationship with Belarus really worth to China—and is it enough to risk setting up a possible rivalry with Russia right on Russia’s border?

The 2012 Madeleine Award: to strut, signal and stumble

Who let the dogs out? Husky sled team in Canada

It’s time to announce the winner of the fourth Madeleine Award for the use of symbol, stunt, prop, gesture or jest in international affairs. This annual prize began life at The Lowy Interpreter in 2009, and is named after Madeleine Albright, in honour of her penchant for sending diplomatic messages via the brooches on her lapel.

The former US Secretary of State and Ambassador to the UN wore a golden brooch of a coiled snake to talk to the Iraqis, crabs and turtle brooches to symbolise the slow pace of Middle East talks, a huge wasp to needle Yasser Arafat, and a sun pin to support South Korea’s sunshine policy. Her favourite mistake was wearing a monkey brooch to a meeting with Vladimir Putin that caused the then Russian President to go ape.

The Madeleines are guided by the truth offered by the American grand strategist George Kennan: much that happens between nations is actually a form of theatre. On the international stage, states strut, signal and stumble, seeking to win through bluster and brio rather than bribery and bashing. All that effort needs to be both appreciated and graded.

On The Interpreter, the first three annual awards went to a seaworthy climate change stunt (an island nation holding a cabinet meeting beneath the waves), a brilliant bluff by a US diplomat that helped clinch a peace deal, and to the extraordinary Franco-German double act at the heart of the Euro crisis.

For the fourth annual Madeleines, The Strategist picks up this proud silly-season tradition and the quality of the contenders shows the enduring value of the award. Read more